The Baltic States: The United States Must Be Prepared to Fulfill Its NATO Treaty Obligations

The United States's interest in the Baltic countries is mainly based on contract obligations based on the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty and the NATO (NATO). Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty stipulates that an attack on one country is an attack on all. In other words, the United States is concerned about the safety of cities in Baltic, such as Talin, Riga, and Vilnius, as well as US cities in the United States, such as Talahashi, Rolls, and Virginia Beach.

Russia's threats are real, and Moscow's rhetoric is only increasing. In June 2015, one of Russia's state parliamentary Congress appealed to the Russian Prosecutor's Secretary of the Prosecutor's Office to investigate the constitutional investigation of the Soviet Union's independence in 1991. [2] The Public Prosecutor's Office refused to request this request, but still shows that many Russian political elites are thinking about Baltic countries.

Since early 2014, when the Ukrainian crisis broke out, some positive measures have been taken, but neither NATO nor the United States are ready to protect the Baltic Kingdom if Russia invades. [3] In May 2015, Czech Peter Pavel, the chairman of the NATO Military Commission, said in May 2015 that "the Baltic Country may be really occupied in a few days."

The United States requires a permanent presence and lon g-term strategy to fulfill the NATO agreement obligations in the Baltic region. This includes a strong and permanent NATO army presence in Baltic countries, establishing close cooperation with no n-NATO countries such as Finland and Sweden, and focusing on the threat of energy. It should be included. The United States must also persuade the NATO to be reluctant to why NATO must be ready to protect the Baltic countries from the invasion of Russia as a NATO leader. Finally, the United States must clarify that if the NATO reserve role is involved in mutual defense, the United States is ready to protect the Baltic Country and to release it if necessary. Not. < SPAN> The United States's interest in the Baltic countries is mainly based on contract obligations based on the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty and the NATO (NATO). Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty stipulates that an attack on one country is an attack on all. In other words, the United States is concerned about the safety of cities in Baltic, such as Talin, Riga, and Vilnius, as well as US cities in the United States, such as Talahashi, Rolls, and Virginia Beach.

The Baltic States Are Important Allies

Russia's threats are real, and Moscow's rhetoric is only increasing. In June 2015, one of Russia's state parliamentary Congress appealed to the Russian Prosecutor's Secretary of the Prosecutor's Office to investigate the constitutional investigation of the Soviet Union's independence in 1991. [2] The Public Prosecutor's Office refused to request this request, but still shows that many Russian political elites are thinking about Baltic countries.

Since early 2014, when the Ukrainian crisis broke out, some positive measures have been taken, but neither NATO nor the United States are ready to protect the Baltic Kingdom if Russia invades. [3] In May 2015, Czech Peter Pavel, the chairman of the NATO Military Commission, said in May 2015 that "the Baltic Country may be really occupied in a few days."

Unique Challenges in the Baltic Region

The United States requires a permanent presence and lon g-term strategy to fulfill the NATO agreement obligations in the Baltic region. This includes a strong and permanent NATO army presence in Baltic countries, establishing close cooperation with no n-NATO countries such as Finland and Sweden, and focusing on the threat of energy. It should be included. The United States must also persuade the NATO to be reluctant to why NATO must be ready to protect the Baltic countries from the invasion of Russia as a NATO leader. Finally, the United States must clarify that if the NATO reserve role is involved in mutual defense, the United States is ready to protect the Baltic Country and to release it if necessary. Not. The United States's interest in the Baltic countries is mainly based on contract obligations based on the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty and the NATO (NATO). Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty stipulates that an attack on one country is an attack on all. In other words, the United States is concerned about the safety of cities in Baltic, such as Talin, Riga, and Vilnius, as well as US cities in the United States, such as Talahashi, Rolls, and Virginia Beach.

Russia's threats are real, and Moscow's rhetoric is only increasing. In June 2015, one of Russia's state parliamentary Congress appealed to the Russian Prosecutor's Secretary of the Prosecutor's Office to investigate the constitutional investigation of the Soviet Union's independence in 1991. [2] The Public Prosecutor's Office refused to request this request, but still shows that many Russian political elites are thinking about Baltic countries.

Since early 2014, when the Ukrainian crisis broke out, some positive measures have been taken, but neither NATO nor the United States are ready to protect the Baltic Kingdom if Russia invades. [3] In May 2015, Czech Peter Pavel, the chairman of the NATO Military Commission, said in May 2015 that "the Baltic Country may be really occupied in a few days."

• The United States has a long history of defending the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Baltic states, dating back to the interwar period of the 1920s. Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania subsequently declared themselves free, and the United States fully accepted them in 1923. In June 1940, as part of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact between Nazi Germany and Stalin's Russian Federation, Russian troops entered and occupied the Baltic states. Luna, through Acting Secretary of State Sumner Welles, issued the so-called Wells Declaration, condemning the internal occupation and declaring that Russia's control over the three states was not recognized as legitimate. With the end of the Cold War, the three states regained their freedom, and have since been considered strong advocates of transatlantic relations.
• As a result of decades of Russian domination, the Baltic states have involved the Russian Federation in formulating their military plans and foreign policies in a way that would be unthinkable for many countries in Western Europe and North America. NATO member states that, like the Baltic states, lived under the iron fist of the Warsaw Pact or were fully absorbed by the Russian Federation after World War II view the Russian Federation's belligerent behavior as an existential threat.
• These challenges include:
• Though small in absolute size, the Baltic states are huge contributors to NATO, conditionally. Estonia is the region's favorite when it comes to defense, and is currently considered one of four NATO member states that spends 2% of its gross domestic product (GDP) on defense. All three countries have deployed troops to Iraq and are at war in Afghanistan. Estonian troops also serve in Helmand province in southern Afghanistan, one of the deadliest areas in the province.
• Policymakers should focus on the Baltic states because a U. S.-led military intervention in the Baltic states would be difficult. The region has its own military personnel and political challenges to overcome. Recognizing these challenges and planning for them is the first step to enabling the United States to fulfill its commitments from the NATO Treaty Hude.

Threats to the Baltic States

These challenges include:

{Hurry} The United States has a long history of defending the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Baltic states, dating back to the interwar period of the 1920s. Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania then each declared themselves free, and in 1923 the United States fully accepted the three countries. In June 1940, as part of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact between Nazi Germany and Stalin's Russian Federation, Russian troops entered and occupied the three Baltic states. Luna, through Acting US Secretary of State Sumner Welles, issued the so-called Wells Declaration, condemning this internal occupation and declaring that Russia's rule over the three states was not recognized as legitimate. With the end of the Cold War, the three states regained their freedom and have since been considered strong promoters of transatlantic relations.

Although small in absolute size, the three Baltic states are huge conditional contributors to NATO. Estonia is the region's favorite when it comes to defense and is currently considered one of four NATO member states that spend 2% of their gross domestic product (GDP) on defense. All three countries have troops in Iraq and are at war in Afghanistan. Estonian troops also operate in Helmand province in southern Afghanistan, one of the province's deadliest areas.

As a result of decades of Russian domination, the Baltic states involve the Russian Federation in formulating their military plans and foreign policies in a way unthinkable for many countries in Western Europe and North America. NATO members who, like the Baltic states, lived under the iron fist of the Warsaw Pact or were fully absorbed by the Russian Federation after World War II view the Russian Federation's belligerent behavior as an existential threat.

Policymakers should focus on the Baltic states because a U. S.-led military intervention in the Baltic states would be difficult. The region has its own military personnel and political challenges to overcome. Recognizing these challenges and planning for them is the first step to enabling the United States to fulfill its commitments from the NATO treaty hood.

These challenges include:

{Hurry}

The Baltic States are geographically isolated from the North Atlantic Alliance. In trilateral military terms, the Baltic States are isolated from other NATO member states. To the north of the Baltic States are non-NATO (but friendly) Finland and Sweden. To the south and east - the Russian Federation and Belarus. To the west, Lithuania borders Kaliningrad with the exclusion of Russia. Once Lithuania included a joint land line with another NATO Baltic member: a small 65-mile face with Poland to the southwest between Kaliningrad and Belarus.

{space}

The Baltic States are geographically small. The Baltic States are small in population and land area. In explosive terms, they are about the same geographic dimensions and audience as the state of Missouri. The extent of the Baltic States is probably a single region of NATO, and too small to rely for its own protection on early response forces based in other states. The only thing that guarantees the protection of the Baltic States is the politicians who provide reliable protection and deterrence in the region. In the event of an unforeseen event, NATO will not respond to a combat withdrawal in the region and will release the captured countries.

Space

Significant loans from non-NATO countries NATO would have great difficulty, but not impossible, responding to a conflict in the Baltic Sea, but it would be arranged without the consent of Finland and Sweden, which are not part of NATO. The situation shows that activities in the Baltic Sea urgently require access to the weightless space, sea and land that currently belong to Sweden and Finland.

Space

Internal politics of the United States Any combative response by the United States would threaten a large number of American men and women, making it politically difficult for any US president. Moreover, this applies to the scope of the Baltic Sea. As the battle on the ice becomes more and more remote, almost all Americans are unaware of the significance of transatlantic relations and what NATO means. This attitude is borne out by a recent Pew Poll selective poll, which found that only 56% of Yankees believe that the United States has a duty to use military personnel to defend NATO supporters if Russia attacks them.[4]

Space

A common face with Russian minorities Among the 28 member states of NATO, the Baltic states have the largest Russian communities. This gives NATO politicians something unique, but commentators stretch the dangers of the outreach they suggest. All three countries have common ground with the Russian Federation. Estonia is the only country in NATO that has not met the agreed face-to-face with the Russian Federation. In September 2014, domestic agents crossed the line using equipment for navigating communications, smoke bombs and light-human grenades, and stole Estonia's internal security service employee Estonkova under the muzzle of Estonian national weapons, after which they accused him of being a spy in the Russian Federation. In August 2015, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison. The kidnapping occurred at least 48 hours after President Barack Obama visited Tallinn for the 2014 NATO summit. With their accession to NATO in 2004, the Baltic states became strategic players overnight. There was no brutality in Ukraine by the Russian Federation after that. The Russian Federation took a number of brutal measures aimed at destabilizing the Baltic states, including harassment of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and testing NATO provisions.

Russia, like almost everyone in Eastern Europe, is identifying ways to conduct large-scale exercises with the role of 10, 000 troops. The Ministry of Protection of the Russian Federation said that in 2015, instead of a minimum of 4, 000 exercises, it is actually a plan to conduct 4, 000 exercises. The Russian Federation is still inspecting NATO weightless sites in the Baltic states. In 2014, NATO fighter jets took off 400 times, which is 50% more than in 2013. [6] The number of actual intercepts of Russian aircraft in NATO weightless locations continued to increase in 2014, reaching over 100, three times the number in 2013. [7] As a precautionary measure, NATO has been recording the number of aircraft patrolling the skies over the Baltic Sea since the beginning of 2014. [8] Finland and Sweden, which are not members of NATO, still face incursions from Russian aircraft. The Russian Federation's continued flight madness represents a threat to civilian aviation in Europe, as domestic pilots often do not file flight plans and do not record their own transponders, giving civilian aircraft the opportunity to avoid them.

The likelihood of a Russian conventional attack on the Baltic Sea is small, but the possibility cannot be ruled out. Moscow will continue to test NATO through unconventional military and security activities, including cyberattacks, propaganda, kidnappings, and funding pro-Russian parties and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in NATO countries. Such actions have become a regular Russian tactic in Eastern Europe because Moscow knows NATO is not prepared to deal with such threats.

Russia has a long history of meddling in the Baltic region, but it is a myth spread by Moscow that the region is within Russia's traditional sphere of influence. Contrary to Moscow's propaganda, the Baltic states have a long and rich history and culture rooted in Western and Northern Europe. Long before Russian domination began, the region was under the control of the kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden, Germany, and Poland.

Estonia and Latvia are predominantly Protestant, while Lithuania is predominantly Catholic. Unlike the former Soviet states of Eastern Europe, the Russian Orthodox Church does not play a major role in the societies of the Baltic states. Linguistically, Estonian belongs to the Finnish branch of the Uralic languages, while Latvian and Lithuanian belong to the Indo-European language family. Neither belongs to the Slavic language family like Russian.

There are fears that Russia may try to take over Crimea from within, taking advantage of the political discontent of the Russian-speaking minorities in the Baltic states. Although it cannot be denied, it seems unlikely that Moscow would make such an attempt in the Baltic region. In general, the Russian-speaking minorities in the Baltic states understand that their lives would be better off under NATO or EU control than under Russian control, and are unlikely to support such a move. (Even without their support, however, Russia could use the presence of ethnic Russian minorities in the Baltic states as a pretext for aggression.

Lithuania has a unique Russian federal issue in its geographical strength. The Russian Federation depends on the Currying Trad district via Lithuania. The Curryrad District is adjacent to Lithuania and Poland, eliminating small Russia to preserve the Baltic Sea. Curryingrad is stationed within 25, coming to the western soldiers in the Russian federal territory. The Russian Federal Baltic Fleet is based here and has 50 ships, including submarines. In April 2015, the fleet played a role in the Baltic Sea in recent exercises, including the launch of missiles, cannons and torpedoes. [11] Baltic countries are concerned, and in fact, domestic exercises are likely to be applied as a cover for relocating the largest army to the curatingrad.

Russian ballistic missiles have been in a curving rad since 2012. Apart from this, the Russian Federation had deployed Iscandel missiles on the curating dried in December 2014 and March 2015 as part of a cricon exercise. Iskandel Missile can smell the nuclear warhead and normal warhead, with a radius of 250 miles, as Gotland, Riga, Villins and Warsaw are preparing. The Russian Federation has the goal of preserving tactical nuclear guns in the curatingrad.

The Federal Federation has been disconnected from the Russian Federation, so the Russian Federation has introduced troops and physical methods to the curling dried on land via a steel road, and is actually vulnerable by the capital. It is considered to be highly gender. In June 2015, domestic media stated that Hacker had released a lithoanian union of a curing dried allegations. This is a traditional example used by the Russian Federal propaganda, a certificate that is most likely, the most vulnerable. The Russian Federation has modernized the runway of Chelnayhovsks and Donscoe's Air Force bases in Kalingrad. Almost all disputes that forced the NATO aircraft to fly from the Baltic Airlines Patrol are related to the curlingrad or the base on the base on it. < SPAN> Lithuania has a unique issue of the Russian Federation in its geographical strength. The Russian Federation depends on the Currying Trad district via Lithuania. The Curryrad District is adjacent to Lithuania and Poland, eliminating small Russia to preserve the Baltic Sea. Curryingrad is stationed within 25, coming to the western soldiers in the Russian federal territory. The Russian Federal Baltic Fleet is based here and has 50 ships, including submarines. In April 2015, the fleet played a role in the Baltic Sea in recent exercises, including the launch of missiles, cannons and torpedoes. [11] Baltic countries are concerned, and in fact, domestic exercises are likely to be applied as a cover for relocating the largest army to the curatingrad.

Russian ballistic missiles have been in a curving rad since 2012. Apart from this, the Russian Federation had deployed Iscandel missiles on the curating dried in December 2014 and March 2015 as part of a cricon exercise. Iskandel Missile can smell the nuclear warhead and normal warhead, with a radius of 250 miles, as Gotland, Riga, Villins and Warsaw are preparing. The Russian Federation has the goal of preserving tactical nuclear guns in the curatingrad.

U.S. Treaty Obligations to the Baltics

The Federal Federation has been disconnected from the Russian Federation, so the Russian Federation has introduced troops and physical methods to the curling dried on land via a steel road, and is actually vulnerable by the capital. It is considered to be highly gender. In June 2015, domestic media stated that Hacker had released a lithoanian union of a curing dried allegations. This is a traditional example used by the Russian Federal propaganda, a certificate that is most likely, the most vulnerable. The Russian Federation has modernized the runway of Chelnayhovsks and Donscoe's Air Force bases in Kalingrad. Almost all disputes that forced the NATO aircraft to fly from the Baltic Airlines Patrol are related to the curlingrad or the base on the base on it. Lithuania has a unique Russian federal issue in its geographical strength. The Russian Federation depends on the Currying Trad district via Lithuania. The Curryrad District is adjacent to Lithuania and Poland, eliminating small Russia to preserve the Baltic Sea. Curryingrad is stationed within 25, coming to the western soldiers in the Russian federal territory. The Russian Federal Baltic Fleet is based here and has 50 ships, including submarines. The fleet played a role in the Baltic Sea in April 2015, in recent exercises, including missiles, cannons and torpedoes. [11] Baltic countries are concerned, and in fact, domestic exercises are likely to be applied as a cover for relocating the largest army to the curatingrad.

Russian ballistic missiles have been in a curing dried since 2012. Apart from this, the Russian Federation had deployed Iscandel missiles on the curating dried in December 2014 and March 2015 as part of a cricon exercise. Iskandel Missile can smell the nuclear warhead and normal warhead, with a radius of 250 miles, as Gotland, Riga, Villins and Warsaw are preparing. The Russian Federation has the goal of preserving tactical nuclear guns in the curatingrad.

The Federal Federation has been disconnected from the Russian Federation, so the Russian Federation has introduced troops and physical methods to the curling dried on land via a steel road, and is actually vulnerable by the capital. It is considered to be highly gender. In June 2015, domestic media stated that Hacker had released a lithoanian union of a curing dried allegations. This is a traditional example used by the Russian Federal propaganda, a certificate that is most likely, the most vulnerable. The Russian Federation has modernized the runway of Chelnayhovsks and Donscoe's Air Force bases in Kalingrad. Almost all disputes that forced the NATO aircraft to fly from the Baltic Airlines Patrol are related to the curlingrad or the base on the base on it.

The Baltic Mikuni faces three remarkable no n-standard threats from Russia, that is, propaganda, energy security, and cyber security. Estonia has a modern NATO skill in general cyber security, Latvia has an intermediate of modern NATO skills in strategic communication, and Lithuania is the middle of modern NATO skills in energy security. There is.

Russian propaganda Russian external politicians are for their own political goals at that stage, and in the case of three Baltic countries, to reduce the support of the local government in order to reduce the support of the local government. We actively use strategic communication with propaganda. Estonia and Latvia are the closest, and there are many Russian residents, so Baltic is exposed to high risk by Russian propaganda.

• In 2014, Latvia has made the modern skills in strategic communication recognized by NATO in September 2014 to compete with Russian propaganda. The middle hopes to "improve strategic communication in the framework of allies and allies." In April, the Institute of Middle and Baltic Protection agreed to extend the partnership to study the strategic communication of the new generation of battle. < SPAN> The Baltic Rikuni continues to face three remarkable no n-standard threats from Russia, that is, propaganda, energy security, and cyber security. Estonia has a modern NATO skill in general cyber security, Latvia has an intermediate of modern NATO skills in strategic communication, and Lithuania is the middle of modern NATO skills in energy security. There is.
• In Latvia, a quarter of the population is Russian as his native language. The Baltic 1 Channel, which withdraws an announcement from Russian municipal television, is the second most famous TV channel. There are also folk Russian communities in neighboring countries, and they still use Russian and location speakers. According to the image of the modern NATO center, "Russia has been modernized, and has shown a willingness to adapt to the Russian tools in advanced and difficult information environments." In fact, it's very basic, it's a supporting role, a more classic soldier, ready to give information to the operation championship. [19]. Latvia and Lithuania I did the wrong default.
• Russian propaganda Russian external politicians are for their own political goals at that stage, and in the case of three Baltic countries, to reduce the support of the local government in order to reduce the support of the local government. We actively use strategic communication with propaganda. Estonia and Latvia are the closest, and there are many Russian residents, so Baltic is exposed to high risk by Russian propaganda.
• In 2014, Latvia has made the modern skills in strategic communication recognized by NATO in September 2014 to compete with Russian propaganda. The middle hopes to "improve strategic communication in the framework of allies and allies." In April, the Institute of Middle and Baltic Protection agreed to extend the partnership to study the strategic communication of the new generation of battle.
• The two countries are expected to work together on several aspects of the new channel's establishment, including training, marketing, and program exchange. The Kremlin has a high audience for Russian news in the Baltics, and it broadcasts news before and after popular sitcoms. Therefore, it is not enough to just create Russian-language news programs. The Baltic states are working on creating entertainment programs that alternate with news to attract and retain viewers. Germany announced in April that Deutsche Welle would provide Russian-language content, including entertainment and news programming, to the new channel in the Baltic states. The Scandinavian countries have offered programming in Russian that could overlap with Baltic, possibly in coordinating NGOs. The United States is reportedly trying to get a similar offer from a US film company.[27]

Energy security. The Baltic states are largely dependent on Russia for their energy. In 2014, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania imported 100% of their natural gas from Russia. At one time, Gazprom was the only natural gas supplier to the Baltic states, and paid the highest gas prices in Europe. For example, in the first four months of 2014, Lithuania paid 36% more for Russian gas than Germany.[29]

• One of the important events is considered to be a retracting of a liquefied natural gas (LNG) legislation for 10 years. This ship is moored at Crypeda every year. The terminal did not follow the monopoly of the gasprom. Fresh LNG ships are making profits in Estonia and Latvia. Absolutely load, the terminal has the ability to guarantee 80 % of the required amount of natural gas in all Baltic three countries. Lithuania began supplying natural gas to Estonia in January 2015.
• In 2014, Latvia announced its intention to increase the capacity of its intul skies and gas storage facilities by 2025 by 2025. Until 2025. [35] Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland are planning to build a Poland Lithuania Pipeline (GIPL) connecting Lithuania and Poland and will be completed in 2019. [Apart from this, Finland and Estonia are planning the construction of two LNG bases tied under the underground pipeline, and the gas bazaar will be further integrated. The Baltic Sea connector plan is scheduled to end by 2019. < SPAN> One of the important events is thought to be a 1 0-year retention of an outside vessel for liquefied natural gas (LNG) legislation for 10 years. This ship is moored at Crypeda every year. The terminal did not follow the monopoly of the gasprom. Fresh LNG ships are making profits in Estonia and Latvia. Absolutely load, the terminal has the ability to guarantee 80 % of the required amount of natural gas in all Baltic three countries. Lithuania began supplying natural gas to Estonia in January 2015.
• In 2014, Latvia announced its intention to increase the capacity of its intul skies and gas storage facilities by 2025 by 2025. Until 2025. [35] Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland are planning to build a Poland Lithuania Pipeline (GIPL) connecting Lithuania and Poland and will be completed in 2019. [Apart from this, Finland and Estonia are planning the construction of two LNG bases tied under the underground pipeline, and the gas bazaar will be further integrated. The Baltic Sea connector plan is scheduled to end by 2019. One of the important events is considered to be a retracting of a liquefied natural gas (LNG) legislation for 10 years. This ship is moored at Crypeda every year. The terminal did not follow the monopoly of the gasprom. Fresh LNG ships are making profits in Estonia and Latvia. Absolutely load, the terminal has the ability to guarantee 80 % of the required amount of natural gas in all Baltic three countries. Lithuania began supplying natural gas to Estonia in January 2015.
• In 2014, Latvia announced its intention to increase the capacity of its intul skies and gas storage facilities by 2025 by 2025. Until 2025. [35] Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland are planning to build a Poland Lithuania Pipeline (GIPL) connecting Lithuania and Poland and will be completed in 2019. [Apart from this, Finland and Estonia are planning the construction of two LNG bases tied under the underground pipeline, and the gas bazaar will be further integrated. The Baltic Sea connector plan is scheduled to end by 2019.
• People in the three countries of cyber security balts are familiar with technology and are being digitally connected. 90 % of Estonians and 80 % of the Latvians and Lithuanians use the Internet. Latvia and Lithuania are considered a big winner in terms of home online communication speed. In Estonia, all gentlemen have a digital ID, vote using them, received local governments, and paid taxes. Thanks to the country's digital ID and connection guarantee program, Estonia has saved 2 % of GDP. "Digital signature covers defense costs," as Prime Minister Taavi Ronivas discovered.

However, interconnection is risky. Like other NATO countries, Baltic countries are also vulnerable to cyber attacks. NATO's cyber defense is powerful as its weakest link. In 2007, Estonia was attacked by a targeted cyber attack from the Russian Federation, which was later removed from a monument to praise a Russian fighter in the center of Tallinn. [47] Baltic three countries were attacked in the 2013 Stead Fast Jazz exercises (after the end of the Cool War, one of NATO's largest comprehensive exercises). < SPAN> Electric Power is also an area where Baltic Country is seeking Russia's supply. In 2009, Lithuania closed the last operating nuclear power plant, which had supplied 80 % of the three Baltic power demand. In April 2014, Lithuania and Sweden began the construction of a submarine hig h-voltage DC cable connecting the two prices to open the power market in Lithuania. In June 2015, the construction of the seabed cable was completed. If all plans are completed by the end of 2015, Baltic will increase the energy import capacity of Northern Europe by 70 %. The plan was exposed to repeated obstructions and tension from the Russian Federation side. In 2015 alone, the Russian Navy went into this plan four times, monitored ships that often lay cables, and sometimes exercised in areas where cables were laid. The conflict occurred in Lithuania's exclusive financial water. [42] Litpol Link will start operating in early 2016 and will connect the Litania and Polish land power transmission systems, which will definitely help integrate the Baltic Sea and European electronic networks.

People in the three countries of cyber security balts are familiar with technology and are being digitally connected. 90 % of Estonians and 80 % of the Latvians and Lithuanians use the Internet. Latvia and Lithuania are considered a big winner in terms of home online communication speed. In Estonia, all gentlemen have a digital ID, vote using them, received local governments, and paid taxes. Thanks to the country's digital ID and connection guarantee program, Estonia has saved 2 % of GDP. "Digital signature covers defense costs," as Prime Minister Taavi Ronivas discovered.

However, interconnection is risky. Like other NATO countries, Baltic countries are also vulnerable to cyber attacks. NATO's cyber defense is powerful as its weakest link. In 2007, Estonia was attacked by a targeted cyber attack from the Russian Federation, which was later removed from a monument to praise a Russian fighter in the center of Tallinn. [47] Baltic three countries were attacked in the 2013 Stead Fast Jazz exercises (after the end of the Cool War, one of NATO's largest comprehensive exercises). The power is also an area where the Baltic Country is seeking Russia's supply. In 2009, Lithuania closed the last operating nuclear power plant, which had supplied 80 % of the three Baltic power demand. In April 2014, Lithuania and Sweden began the construction of a submarine hig h-voltage DC cable connecting the two prices to open the power market in Lithuania. In June 2015, the construction of the seabed cable was completed. If all plans are completed by the end of 2015, Baltic will increase the energy import capacity of Northern Europe by 70 %. The plan was exposed to repeated obstructions and tension from the Russian Federation side. In 2015 alone, the Russian Navy went into this plan four times, monitored ships that often lay cables, and sometimes exercised in areas where cables were laid. The conflict occurred in Lithuania's exclusive financial water. [42] Litpol Link will start operating in early 2016 and will connect the Litania and Polish land power transmission systems, which will definitely help integrate the Baltic Sea and European electronic networks.

People in the three countries of cyber security balts are familiar with technology and are being digitally connected. 90 % of Estonians and 80 % of the Latvians and Lithuanians use the Internet. Latvia and Lithuania are considered a big winner in terms of home online communication speed. In Estonia, all gentlemen have a digital ID, vote using them, received local governments, and paid taxes. Thanks to the country's digital ID and connection guarantee program, Estonia has saved 2 % of GDP. "Digital signature covers defense costs," as Prime Minister Taavi Ronivas discovered.

However, interconnection is risky. Like other NATO countries, Baltic countries are also vulnerable to cyber attacks. NATO's cyber defense is powerful as its weakest link. In 2007, Estonia was attacked by a targeted cyber attack from the Russian Federation, which was later removed from a monument to praise a Russian fighter in the center of Tallinn. [47] Baltic three countries were attacked in the 2013 Stead Fast Jazz exercises (after the end of the Cool War, one of NATO's largest comprehensive exercises).

Ratvian troops and conflicts for information technology security [48] leaders the country's cyber security. In 2014, the Ministry of Protection of the Latvia created a cyber protection division as part of the state soldier to complement the existing cyber protection of the nation. This dispatch will participate in 94 "Cybergard" [49]. Lithuania, which has more than 25. 000 cyber incidents every year, has set up a mi d-cyber security under the Ministry of Conservation to adjust the country's cyber protection in 2015.

In Estonia, the size and type of cyber attacks in 2014 were the same as in 2013. However, the Estonia Information Systems Bureau pointed out that "the distribution of dispute was actually more wise and literally narrowed down the target, with the aim of damaging the state proposal and/ or reputation." [52] NATO's modern cyber protection center was established in 2008 to increase the chance of alliance and operational comparison in fighting cyber attacks. The center is organized with a locked shield of cyber protection exercises every day. In 2015, 16 countries and more than 400 in Chubu participated in NATO's cyber dispute. [53]

• Central and Eastern Europe were positioned at the bottom of the alliance because the United States and almost all Western supporters share their liability. In 2004, the mission of the Three Kingdoms of Baltic was established, but it was not easy to find political support for its storage from within the alliance. NATO's classic US and U. S. and Britain have concluded that they have an indirect impact on the security of the Baltic Sea. In 2010, the British government announced that it would withdraw all 10, 000 British troops. < SPAN> Ratvian troops and conflicts for information technology security [48] led the country's cyber security. In 2014, the Ministry of Protection of the Latvia created a cyber protection division as part of the state soldier to complement the existing cyber protection of the nation. This dispatch will participate in 94 "Cybergard" [49]. Lithuania, which has more than 25. 000 cyber incidents every year, has set up a mi d-cyber security under the Ministry of Conservation to adjust the country's cyber protection in 2015.
• After the Baltic countries were introduced to NATO in 2004, the coalition quickly feded out from the area. Until at least 2008, until 2008, including the intention of behavior in emergencies in the defense of the Baltic Country, NATO developed NATO [54] This plan even had the opportunity to ruin the capital. Later, when the Russian Federation invaded Georgia in 2008, this fear spread.
• In Estonia, the size and type of cyber attacks in 2014 were the same as in 2013. However, the Estonia Information Systems Bureau pointed out that "the distribution of dispute was actually more wise and literally narrowed down the target, with the aim of damaging the state proposal and/ or reputation." [52] NATO's modern cyber protection center was established in 2008 to increase the chance of alliance and operational comparison in fighting cyber attacks. The center is organized with a locked shield of cyber protection exercises every day. In 2015, 16 countries and more than 400 in Chubu participated in NATO's cyber dispute. [53]
• Central and Eastern Europe were positioned at the bottom of the alliance because the United States and almost all Western supporters share their liability. In 2004, the mission of the Three Kingdoms of Baltic was established, but it was not easy to find political support for its storage from within the alliance. NATO's classic US and U. S. and Britain have concluded that they have an indirect impact on the security of the Baltic Sea. In 2010, the British government announced that it would withdraw all 10, 000 British troops.
• By 2013, the United States had two slack brigade battle groups, and all its main battle tanks and A-10 aircraft were sourced from Germany. In April 2015, the United States announced the reorganization of the 12th Army Aviation Brigade in Europe, leaving 1900 American fighter jets in Europe, 24 Apache military helicopters and 30 Black Hawk transport helicopters to be thrown back to the United States. [58] This reduction and the reduction in the number of troops sent the wrong signal to friends, for example, to regional adversaries.
• Space
• Space
• Space
• Space
• After the withdrawal of the 2nd Brigade from Europe, the US has been sending battalions to Europe periodically to conduct exercises and provide equipment to the 2nd Brigade in Central and Eastern Europe.

In addition to these unpleasant but important policy changes, the US has taken some much-needed but less visible steps to strengthen the defenses of NATO's eastern member states as part of NATO's Operation Atlantic Resolve and the US European Security Initiative. Visible policy conclusions include:

Confidence

Continuous deployment of a US Army company (about 150 troops) to each of the Baltic states and Poland from May 2014.

The Nordic Dimension

Overview

Increased number of US and NATO-led exercises in the region.

{Rome}

Creation of the first Euro-based kit of 250 tanks, infantry, combat vehicles and mobile artillery (about one brigade's worth of equipment) to be deployed in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Bulgaria.

{Radzi}

1. Overview
2. NATO has agreed to bring the Joint Task Force to the highest possible level of readiness (VJTF). The VJTF will consist of 5. 000 military personnel and may be on standby for less than a week. The main VJTF forces must be deployed to the crisis area within 48 hours.[66] However, while the VJTF looks great on paper, its practical value for the defense of the Baltic states or to contain Russian malevolence is unclear. If Russia were to invade any of the Baltic states, the VJTF would be too small and take so long to deploy to have much impact.
3. One of the issues that continues to cause conflict within the alliance is the issue of permanent deployment of NATO troops to the Baltic states. At the NATO summit held in Wales in 2014, the decision was made to establish the VJTF and temporarily deploy some equipment, but this was the result of a compromise between alliance member states that wanted to establish permanent bases and those that did not.

The inadequacy of the VJTF shows why a permanent presence in the Baltic states is essential. The only way to guarantee the security of the Baltic states from periodic Russian military threats is to have strong forces and military potential there. The Baltic states are too small to rely on a defense-in-depth strategy that would allow NATO enough time to mobilize and deploy significant forces in the region.

There is a misconception that the 1997 Basic Law on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security of NATO and the Russian Federation (NATO-Russia Basic Law) prohibits the permanent stationing of NATO troops in Central and Eastern Europe. This is not true. On the issue of permanent bases, the law states:

What the U.S. Should Do

NAT O-Resumed in the current and closest security standards, the North Atlantic Unit ensures the necessary operation comparison, integration, and stricter legal abilities, and unique to collective protection and other missions. The task is executed and does not follow the method of changing the main power. To do so, you must rely on the appropriate infrastructure suitable for the above mission. In this context, in order to maintain peace in accordance with the United Nations Charter and leadership principles, it has the ability to realize it as necessary in the case of anger and dangers, and for normal European troops. Exercise in accordance with the adaptable contracts (DOVSA), the provisions of the 1994 Vienna document, and the interconnected transparency. The Russian Federation shows a similar design when developing its own military forces in Europe. [67]

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• {Rula}
• {Russia}
• {Rome}
• Judging from the actions of the Russian Federation after signing the Russian and Russian North Atlantic Treaty (NATO), Europe's "current and immediately security environments" have changed dramatically since 1997. This alone has the legitimacy of the NATO army in the Baltic Sea. NATO is a defense alliance. The capital will not be afraid of the Baltic Military Base, unless the Russian Federation intends to attack NATO member states.
• NATO exists everywhere in the world and does not need to create everything every day, but it must protect the territorial unit of its member. Note 6 of the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty states that NATO's responsibility is "North Atlantic area north of the North Return".
• In addition, the Nordic area has an intersection alliance, causing new complexity to the security of the Baltic Sea. Norway is a member of NATO, but is not a member of the EU. Finland and Sweden are a member of the EU, but not in NATO. Denmark is a member of the EU and NATO, but has refused to participate in the EU security and defense policy in general. In addition to the two-country cooperation and exchange through NATO, the United States is also active in the area as part of the E-Pine program in the Nordic partnership. The E-PINE program, established in 2003, is currently being discussed to improve US exchange in the North Baltic region.
• The Danish Strait consists of three straits that connect the Baltic Sea and the North in the Captegat Strait and the Skagerak Strait. This strait is especially important for the Baltic Sea coastal country as an import and export means. In particular, Russia is increasing crude oil exports to Europe through the Baltic Port. Approximately 125. 000 ships passed through the Straits per year, but only 31 ships succeeded in passing the Hokkai-North Sea route in 2014. If the United States requires military interference with the Baltic coastal countries, access to the Danish Strait is essential.
• The universe < Span> also has an alliance in the Scandinavian area, which has a new complexity of the Baltic Sea security. Norway is a member of NATO, but is not a member of the EU. Finland and Sweden are a member of the EU, but not in NATO. Denmark is a member of the EU and NATO, but has refused to participate in the EU security and defense policy in general. In addition to the two-country cooperation and exchange through NATO, the United States is also active in the area as part of the E-Pine program in the Nordic partnership. The E-PINE program, established in 2003, is currently being discussed to improve US exchange in the North Baltic region.
• The Danish Strait consists of three straits that connect the Baltic Sea and the North in the Captegat Strait and the Skagerak Strait. This strait is especially important for the Baltic Sea coastal country as an import and export means. In particular, Russia is increasing crude oil exports to Europe through the Baltic Port. Approximately 125. 000 ships passed through the Straits per year, but only 31 ships succeeded in passing the Hokkai-North Sea route in 2014. If the United States requires military interference with the Baltic coastal countries, access to the Danish Strait is essential.
• The universe and the Scandinavian area have a mixed alliance, bringing new complexity to the security of the Baltic Sea. Norway is a member of NATO, but is not a member of the EU. Finland and Sweden are a member of the EU, but not in NATO. Denmark is a member of the EU and NATO, but has refused to participate in the EU security and defense policy in general. In addition to the two-country cooperation and exchange through NATO, the United States is also active in the area as part of the E-Pine program in the Nordic partnership. The E-PINE program, established in 2003, is currently being discussed to improve US exchange in the North Baltic region.
• The Danish Strait consists of three straits that connect the Baltic Sea and the North in the Captegat Strait and the Skagerak Strait. This strait is especially important for the Baltic Sea coastal country as an import and export means. In particular, Russia is increasing crude oil exports to Europe through the Baltic Port. Approximately 125. 000 ships passed through the Straits per year, but only 31 ships succeeded in passing the Hokkai-North Sea route in 2014. If the United States requires military interference with the Baltic coastal countries, access to the Danish Strait is essential.
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• It would be naive to think that Russia does not take into account the importance of these three islands when planning its actions in the Baltic Sea. In March 2015, Russia conducted a large-scale exercise involving 33, 000 soldiers, the scenario of which included the occupation of these three islands. As Edward Lucas emphasized in his report on the security of the Baltic states, "If the exercise is successful, it will make it virtually impossible for NATO allies to strengthen the Baltic states by controlling these regions."[87]

Conclusion

America's intervention in the region would be difficult without the support of Sweden and Finland, but this fact should not be exaggerated. The United States has been involved in Afghanistan, a landlocked Central Asian country thousands of kilometers from the US mainland, for more than a decade, fighting large-scale battles. The United States did so against the backdrop of dubious and sometimes shaky support from neighboring countries and fragile regional infrastructure. Moscow should therefore not take Sweden and Finland's status as a green light to intervene in the affairs of the Baltic states. Conversely, until Stockholm and Helsinki decide to become full NATO members, they should not expect that their allies will automatically come to their aid if attacked by Russia, and NATO allies should not give that impression.

To strengthen U. S. and Baltic security, the U. S. should:

{Russia}

Show America gratitude and appreciation The Baltic states have done a lot for Atlantic security and they deserve our gratitude. President Obama's visit to Tallinn in 2014 was very positive for U. S.-Baltic relations. Senior officials from the White House, State Department, Defense Department, and Congress should visit the region on a regular basis.

{Rush-to-the-ground protection}

Establish a permanent military presence in the Baltic region The U. S. and NATO should demonstrate their continued commitment to the region by permanently stationing troops in the Baltic states. Contrary to popular belief, there is nothing in the 1997 NATO-Russia Establishment Act to prevent this. The compromise reached at the 2014 Wales Summit led to the rotation of troops and the deployment of equipment in the region, but this is only one element of ensuring the security of the Baltic states.

universe

Examine the possibility of creating a rotation unit in the Baltic Sea. The US Marine Corps has a rotation unit in the Black Sea, consisting of a special unit (VNOP). The United States should consider the possibility of creating similar operations in the Baltic Sea. Such a group will increase the opportunity to train the Baltic countries, like Poland, Finland and Sweden. In addition, such a group will provide commitment to security beyond the Atlantic Ocean in the United States.

universe

Maintain aggressive navy presence in the Baltic Sea. In March 2015, the United States announced the "Cooperation Strategy for Rice in the 21st Century". In this detailed document on page 48, only one paragraph of Russia's threat to NATO has been divided, and there is no mention of the Baltic Sea. So far, the United States is obliged to protect the Baltic Sea, so this area should be included in the Navy strategy.

universe

Cooperate with the Scandinavian countries to improve the relationship with the Baltic Kingdom. A good relationship between the United States and the Scandinavian countries means a closer relationship with the Baltic countries. Historically, the Baltic countries have a very close relationship with the Scandinavian countries. Sweden and Finland are not NATO member states, but have a close relationship with Baltic countries in terms of security. If NATO is aiming to protect Baltic countries, access to the territory and space in Sweden and Finnish will have a very important meaning.

universe

In the Cold War, in preparation for prompt strengthening in Europe, the United States conducted a military exercise entitled "Reformer Operation" ("Return to Germany") every year. The Refused Strategy was convened to prove that if a war with the Soviet Union broke out, the United States could quickly relocate the normal army to Germany. The United States should be considered as having the ability to carry out similar exercises for the protection of Baltic countries.

universe

Encourting Finland and Sweden's NATO members to decide whether to join the NATO by Sweden and Finnish, but the United States should pursue policies to encourage NATO members in two of these two countries. Until they join NATO, the security of the alliance cannot be used.

Space < Span> Space

Examine the possibility of creating a rotation unit in the Baltic Sea. The US Marine Corps has a rotation unit in the Black Sea, consisting of a special unit (VNOP). The United States should consider the possibility of creating similar operations in the Baltic Sea. Such a group will increase the opportunity to train the Baltic countries, like Poland, Finland and Sweden. In addition, such a group will provide commitment to security beyond the Atlantic Ocean in the United States.

universe

Maintain aggressive navy presence in the Baltic Sea. In March 2015, the United States announced the "Cooperation Strategy for Rice in the 21st Century". In this detailed document on page 48, only one paragraph of Russia's threat to NATO has been divided, and there is no mention of the Baltic Sea. So far, the United States is obliged to protect the Baltic Sea, so this area should be included in the Navy strategy.

universe

Cooperate with the Scandinavian countries to improve the relationship with the Baltic Kingdom. A good relationship between the United States and the Scandinavian countries means a closer relationship with the Baltic countries. Historically, the Baltic countries have a very close relationship with the Scandinavian countries. Sweden and Finland are not NATO member states, but have a close relationship with Baltic countries in terms of security. If NATO is aiming to protect Baltic countries, access to the territory and space in Sweden and Finnish will have a very important meaning.~universe

In the Cold War, in preparation for prompt strengthening in Europe, the United States conducted a military exercise entitled "Reformer Operation" ("Return to Germany") every year. The Refused Strategy was convened to prove that if a war with the Soviet Union broke out, the United States could quickly relocate the normal army to Germany. The United States should be considered as having the ability to carry out similar exercises for the protection of Baltic countries.

universe

Encourting Finland and Sweden's NATO members to decide whether to join the NATO by Sweden and Finnish, but the United States should pursue policies to encourage NATO members in two of these two countries. Until they join NATO, the security of the alliance cannot be used.

Universe

Examine the possibility of creating a rotation unit in the Baltic Sea. The US Marine Corps has a rotation unit in the Black Sea, consisting of a special unit (VNOP). The United States should consider the possibility of creating similar operations in the Baltic Sea. Such a group will increase the opportunity to train the Baltic countries, like Poland, Finland and Sweden. In addition, such a group will provide commitment to security beyond the Atlantic Ocean in the United States.

universe

Maintain aggressive navy presence in the Baltic Sea. In March 2015, the United States announced the "Cooperation Strategy for Rice in the 21st Century". In this detailed document on page 48, only one paragraph of Russia's threat to NATO has been divided, and there is no mention of the Baltic Sea. So far, the United States is obliged to protect the Baltic Sea, so this area should be included in the Navy strategy.

universe

Cooperate with the Scandinavian countries to improve the relationship with the Baltic Kingdom. A good relationship between the United States and the Scandinavian countries means a closer relationship with the Baltic countries. Historically, the Baltic countries have a very close relationship with the Scandinavian countries. Sweden and Finland are not NATO member states, but have a close relationship with Baltic countries in terms of security. If NATO is aiming to protect Baltic countries, access to the territory and space in Sweden and Finnish will have a very important meaning.

universe

In the Cold War, in preparation for prompt strengthening in Europe, the United States conducted a military exercise entitled "Reformer Operation" ("Return to Germany") every year. The Refused Strategy was convened to prove that if a war with the Soviet Union broke out, the United States could quickly relocate the normal army to Germany. The United States should be considered as having the ability to carry out similar exercises for the protection of Baltic countries.

universe

Encourting Finland and Sweden's NATO members to decide whether to join the NATO by Sweden and Finnish, but the United States should pursue policies to encourage NATO members in two of these two countries. Until they join NATO, the security of the alliance cannot be used.

universe

Prepare contingency operations to defend the Baltic states without supporting Finland and Sweden. The United States needs to plan and rehearse for the defense of the Baltic states without cooperation from Finland and Sweden. It would be irresponsible for U. S. military planners not to plan for such a scenario until Finland and Sweden are full members of NATO. This should also include a scenario in which Russian forces occupy the Aland and Gotland islands.

Space

Breathe new life into the “Strengthening Partnership in Scandinavia” program. In addition to improving bilateral relations with Nordic countries, the United States should devote more forces and resources to strengthening Epine’s role in regional security.[90]

Space

Work closely with Poland. Poland is the only NATO member state with a common land border near the Baltic states, and therefore will play a key role in the defense of the region. The United States must invest in strengthening support for Poland, which will be essential if the United States has to send large numbers of troops to the region to intervene in the Baltic states. Poland not only has a combat-capable military, but also has a strong political will to actively participate in NATO.

Space

Focus on Belarus' role in regional security. Belarus is a member of NATO's Partnership for Peace program, but democratic governance remains weak and the Minsk government has close ties to Moscow. Belarus is home to Russian military facilities and plays an important role in supplying Kaliningrad via Lithuania. In recent years, Belarus has also participated in a number of joint military exercises with Russia. In preparation for Russian military intervention in the Baltic Alliance countries, the United States should make it clear that it will not turn a blind eye to any support that Russia provides from Belarus.

Space

Take a long-term commitment to conduct joint exercises. An old military adage is that you should train as you would fight. Joint exercises with allies are a valuable opportunity to improve operational compatibility, partnership, and success in simulated combat situations. The United States should prioritize training missions in the Baltic region and not allow defense spending and budget cuts to weaken U. S.-Baltic relations.

Space

Reconfirm US commitment to Article 5 of NATO. Despite the fuss about European Confidence Building Initiative, some European countries have said that the Obama administration has a lower security priority over the Atlantic government. The Obama administration should regularly provide commitment to security beyond the Atlantic Ocean, not just lips but also actions.

overview

During the battle in Afghanistan led by NATO NATO continuation of special unit cooperation, Baltic countries claimed themselves in special operations. After the battle in Afghanistan, it would have been useless to end the relationship between the US Baltic Special Forces. The United States should work with Baltic countries to find a new field of special operation cooperation. It is also conceivable that the Baltic Triple Country will have a contact officer in the US Special Operation Command.

Note

Accept the promise of building a reliable missile defense system in Europe as soon as possible. A ship that can provide missile defense is likely to be operated in the Baltic Country of Baltic, part of the NATO missile defense system. Baltic Three Kingdoms consider NATO's missile defense system as the basic part of alliance defense.

{Rude}

Strengthen cyber security cooperation with Baltic countries. The United States' contribution to the Estonia Cyber ​​Defense Center of Excellence is welcomed, but only a part of the existing and potential cooperation of the United States and Baltic countries in this field. The United States should look for ways to share experience, improve paid plan, training, exercises, and expand cyber defense cooperation to develop abilities.

{Ludge}

Make sure that NATO continues to be a nuclear security alliance. The 2012 NATO deterrence and defense policy review states that the alliance strategic nuclear weapons guarantee the security of the alliance most. The United States should not underestimate how important this is for Baltic countries. NATO must continue to be a nuclear alliance as long as the western countries face nuclear threats from anywhere in the world.

{Ludge} < SPAN> Reconfirm the US commitment to Article 5 of the NATO. Despite the fuss about European Confidence Building Initiative, some European countries have said that the Obama administration has a lower security priority over the Atlantic government. The Obama administration should regularly provide commitment to security beyond the Atlantic Ocean, not just lips but also actions.

overview

During the battle in Afghanistan led by NATO NATO continuation of special unit cooperation, Baltic countries claimed themselves in special operations. After the battle in Afghanistan, it would have been useless to end the relationship between the US Baltic Special Forces. The United States should work with Baltic countries to find a new field of special operation cooperation. It is also conceivable that the Baltic Triple Country will have a contact officer in the US Special Operation Command.

Note

Accept the promise of building a reliable missile defense system in Europe as soon as possible. A ship that can provide missile defense is likely to be operated in the Baltic Country of Baltic, part of the NATO missile defense system. Baltic Three Kingdoms consider NATO's missile defense system as the basic part of alliance defense.

{Rude}

Strengthen cyber security cooperation with Baltic countries. The United States' contribution to the Estonia Cyber ​​Defense Center of Excellence is welcomed, but only a part of the existing and potential cooperation of the United States and Baltic countries in this field. The United States should look for ways to share experience, improve paid planning, training, exercises, and expand cyber defense cooperation to develop abilities.

{Ludge}

Make sure that NATO continues to be a nuclear security alliance. The 2012 NATO deterrence and defense policy review states that the alliance strategic nuclear weapons guarantee the security of the alliance most. The United States should not underestimate how important this is for Baltic countries. NATO must continue to be a nuclear alliance as long as the western countries face nuclear threats from anywhere in the world.

{Ludge} NATO To reconfirm the US commitment to Article 5. Despite the fuss about European Confidence Building Initiative, some European countries have said that the Obama administration has a lower security priority over the Atlantic government. The Obama administration should regularly provide commitment to security beyond the Atlantic Ocean, not just lips but also actions.

overview

During the battle in Afghanistan led by NATO NATO continuation of special unit cooperation, Baltic countries claimed themselves in special operations. After the battle in Afghanistan, it would have been useless to end the relationship between the US Baltic Special Forces. The United States should work with Baltic countries to find a new field of special operation cooperation. It is also conceivable that the Baltic Triple Country will have a contact officer in the US Special Operation Command.

Note

Accept the promise of building a reliable missile defense system in Europe as soon as possible. A ship that can provide missile defense is likely to be operated in the Baltic Country of Baltic, part of the NATO missile defense system. Baltic Three Kingdoms consider NATO's missile defense system as the basic part of alliance defense.

{Rude}

Strengthen cyber security cooperation with Baltic countries. The United States' contribution to the Estonia Cyber ​​Defense Center of Excellence is welcomed, but only a part of the existing and potential cooperation of the United States and Baltic countries in this field. The United States should look for ways to share experience, improve paid plan, training, exercises, and expand cyber defense cooperation to develop abilities.

{Ludge}

Make sure that NATO continues to be a nuclear security alliance. The 2012 NATO deterrence and defense policy review states that the alliance strategic nuclear weapons guarantee the security of the alliance most. The United States should not underestimate how important this is for Baltic countries. NATO must continue to be a nuclear alliance as long as the western countries face nuclear threats from anywhere in the world.

{Ludge}

Support the export of South American LNG to the Baltic region. Protecting the supply of energy elements is a responsible contradiction for the Baltic states. It also affects the combat readiness of the armed forces, as a result of which the United States and NATO are forced to be enthusiastic. On a par with regional plans to build pipelines and LNG infrastructure, the export of South American LNG allows Baltic politicians to smoothly pursue their geopolitical goals, and only saves Baltic protection of the lowest impact of energy decisions. The sooner the restrictive ones are removed, the stronger that NATO and the Baltic states will be.

Space

Ensure a centralized role for the United States in the center of modern energy security technology. The United States has a vast amount of energy security technology, and Lithuania is the center of energy security technology in NATO and has the opportunity to benefit from a centralized role for the United States. The role of the United States is still likely to influence the energy security debate from within NATO.

Space

Remove the ban on the disposal of wet oil. The Baltic states are still dependent on Russian oil imports. The US government has the option of applying certain methods to lift the ban on wet oil removal. The lifting of the ban and support for the development of a more effective primary oil market would benefit South American customers and undoubtedly help allies weakened by Russian oil.

Space